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Mexcentrix – Shelter Services Mexico Outsourcing
13Dic

TECHINT: Company To Develop US$ 1 Billion Steel Mill In Mexico

diciembre 13, 2017 Jesus Aguirre NEWS

The Italian-Argentinean multi-national Grupo Techint pitched to Mexican President Enrique Peña Nieto an investment project of more than US$ 1 billion to develop a hot-rolled steel mill in the industrial center that Techint launched in 2013.

Paolo Rocca, Techint’s chairman, said that the development should take the steel company Ternium into operations in the second half of 2020. The plant’s annual output capacity is estimated at 3.7 million metric tons.

According to the company, the plant is intended to meet the demand of both the automotive industry and the sectors of household appliances, machinery, energy and construction.

 

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11Dic

Ford Will Build Electric Cars in Mexico, Shifting Its Plan

diciembre 11, 2017 Jesus Aguirre NEWS

Almost a year ago, after heavy criticism from President-elect Donald J. Trump, Ford Motor Company canceled plans to build a $1.6 billion car plant in Mexico and announced that it would instead equip a Michigan factory to make electric and hybrid models.

Now the automaker is changing its plans again, saying it intends to assemble new battery-powered cars in Mexico, not Michigan. But the Michigan location will get an even larger investment than previously planned and will focus on making a range of self-driving cars.

The switch comes as the Trump administration has been pushing to renegotiate the North American Free Trade Agreement with Canada and Mexico. Few industries are more heavily affected by the accord than the auto sector, which has rushed to build plants in Mexico over the last several years to take advantage of lower labor costs and that country’s extensive network of trade agreements.

Late last month, Vice President Mike Pence met with top executives from Ford, General Motors and Fiat Chrysler to discuss trade and the renegotiation effort.

Automakers have been concerned that changes to the trade accord, such as rules requiring the use of more American-made parts, could raise the cost of vehicles produced in Mexican plants and hurt the value of the plants they have built.

Sherif Marakby, Ford’s vice president for autonomous vehicles and electrification, said Thursday that the company had altered its plans for the Michigan plant — in Flat Rock, 25 miles southwest of Detroit — because it now expected the market for self-driving cars for taxis and delivery fleets to grow rapidly after it rolls out its first model in 2021.

“We want to make sure we have the capacity at Flat Rock when we launch,” he said in an interview. “We are very optimistic that we will grow the volume in the autonomous business.”

Ford now plans to invest $900 million in the Flat Rock location, up from $700 million. The company said the retooling for autonomous vehicles would create 850 jobs there, 150 more than it previously expected.

Producing electric cars in Mexico will enable Ford to take advantage of lower labor costs and improve the “fitness” of that business, Mr. Marakby said.

Ford’s change in plans was reported by The Wall Street Journal and later confirmed by the automaker.

Electric vehicles tend to be expensive to build and generate thin profit margins or even lose money because batteries remain costly and sales volume low. Auto wages in Mexico rarely exceed $10 an hour, compared with about $29 an hour in the United States.

“If you’re worried about your margins on your E.V., moving production to Mexico is not a bad idea,” said Mike Ramsey, an automotive analyst at Gartner.

Ford plans to begin assembling a small, battery-powered sport-utility vehicle in a plant in Cuautitlán, north of Mexico City, in 2020. The vehicle is supposed to go 300 miles before needing to recharge its battery, giving it a greater range than any electric cars now on the market.

Ford plans to follow that model with at least 12 electric vehicles as part of a broader, global strategy. Ford and other automakers expect sales of electric cars to take off in the years ahead as China, European Union countries and others push automakers to cut tailpipe emissions.

Ford’s shift drew no immediate public comment from President Trump. While campaigning last year, he criticized the company repeatedly for its plan to build a small-car plant in Mexico. He also criticized G.M. for importing Chevrolet hatchbacks from a Mexican plant.

In January, in the days leading up to Mr. Trump’s inauguration, Ford announced that it was canceling the new plant and investing in Flat Rock instead. That drew compliments from the president-elect.

In May, however, Ford ousted its chief executive, Mark Fields, and replaced him with Jim Hackett. Under Mr. Hackett, Ford seems to have taken a different tack. In one of his first moves, he set a plan to import Focus compacts into the United States from a plant in China.

 

 

 

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05Dic

German manufacturer opens its fifth plant

diciembre 5, 2017 Jesus Aguirre NEWS

German manufacturer Leoni AG opened its fifth plant in Mexico yesterday in the Yucatán port city of Progreso de Castro.

The new wiring systems division plant will manufacture cabling and harnessing for automotive assembly plants in Mexico and for export to General Motors, BMW and Volvo plants located on the Asian continent and in the United States.

The plant currently employs over 2,000 people, 65% of whom are women. Division vice-president Ralf Maus explained that once the new facility reaches its full capacity sometime next year, over 2,600 people will be directly employed by it.

The 25,000-square-meter factory, an investment of 350 million pesos (nearly US $19 million) produces about one-third of its energy needs with 1,500 solar panels and employs a water recycling system that saves 100,000 liters of water per year, the federal Economy Secretariat said in a statement.

Maus was joined at a dedication ceremony by Yucatán Governor Rolando Zapata Bello and federal Economy Secretary Ildefonso Guajardo Villarreal.

Zapata recalled that Leoni’s presence in the state was the result of a business trip he took to Germany last year.

The new plant, he said, offers “new horizons [and] confirms that Yucatán can aim higher and progress.”

The governor pointed out that the state has everything it needs to become a strategic and innovative link in the automotive industry supply chain.

The creation of new and modern infrastructure, he continued, is the way of closing gaps and to continue consolidating the state as a logistics and business platform for the benefit of citizens.

Maus said Leoni chose Yucatán for its newest Mexico plant for its logistics infrastructure, security, education, the high qualifications of its human capital and the professionalism of its administration.

Secretary Guajardo said the automotive industry has changed drastically over the last decade.

“Six of every 10 auto industry jobs will cease to exist and will become different kinds of jobs over the next decade. For this reason, we must be on the front lines of innovation,” he said.

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28Nov

Mexico Treasury Secretary announces presidential bid

noviembre 28, 2017 Jesus Aguirre NEWS

MEXICO CITY 

Treasury Secretary Jose Antonio Meade declared Monday his intention to be the presidential candidate of Mexico’s ruling Institutional Revolutionary Party, the first time a non-PRI member has sought to run on the party’s ticket.

Meade resigned from his Cabinet post earlier in the day, saying he was running as a PRI candidate in hopes of achieving “a country where families always have food on the table.”

Supporters of the long-ruling party quickly rushed to back Meade’s bid despite his outsider status in what appeared a carefully organized effort to quash any internal discontent over his candidacy before party leaders formally name PRI’s candidate for the July 1 election.

“We want you to be our candidate,” said Carlos Aceves of the Mexican Workers Confederation, which functions more as a wing of the PRI than as an independent union group.

 

Meade told cheering union officials, “I want you to accompany me in my wish to make Mexico a great power, and for Mexicans that means food, sustenance, housing and better opportunities.”

He also quickly picked up the support of the party’s farm sector amid drum beating and chants of “We are going to win!”

The exuberant endorsements came even though as a technocratic, Yale-educated economist, Meade has been fairly distant from farm and labor groups. Critics said the carefully staged shows of support recalled the “dedazo” — literally the hand-picking of candidates by the outgoing president that has been a tradition in the PRI for decades.

“The return of the ‘dedazo’ in all its splendor,” tweeted Margarita Zavala, a former first lady who is running as an independent in 2018. “This ritual … takes us back in time 25 years. In the 21st century, this is shameful.”

President Enrique Pena Nieto did not mention Meade’s candidacy at a ceremony in which Jose Antonio Gonzalez, the current head of the national oil company Pemex, was tapped to replace Meade at the Treasury Department. Current Pemex financial chief Carlos Trevino will take over the top spot at Pemex.

But Pena Nieto did say of Meade, “I wish him luck in the project he has chosen to undertake.”

If Meade is selected as a PRI candidate by a party congress before the Feb. 18 deadline, it would be the first time the party has ever backed a presidential run by someone who was not a party member.

But the PRI has seen its standing in opinion polls slide, battered by a falling peso and U.S. President Donald Trump’s jibes at Mexico. That likely prompted the party’s turn to an outsider, knowing most Mexicans now say they wouldn’t vote for the PRI.

Meade, 48, who has no formal membership with any political party, has crossed lines as a non-partisan technocrat before. He served as foreign relations secretary and head of the social development department under Pena Nieto, and he was energy secretary under former President Felipe Calderon of the conservative National Action Party.

Foreign Secretary Luis Videgaray showered praise on Meade last week, saying that “under the leadership of Jose Antonio Meade, Mexico today has stability, a defined course and clarity in economic policy decisions.”

Meade helped rein in the government’s troubling budget deficits, but he has also presided over high inflation that runs at about 6.4 percent a year and weak economic growth, including a drop in GDP of 0.2 percent in the most recent quarter.

As a former foreign secretary, Meade would have inside knowledge on dealing with the Trump administration, especially U.S. threats to withdraw from the North American Free Trade Agreement, which is vital to Mexico’s economy.

But if Mexico has to cede ground on things like greater U.S. content in autos, the Pena Nieto administration and Meade could suffer.

“We will be hurt regardless of the deal struck, and we will be hurt if no deal is struck,” said Federico Estevez, a political science professor at the Autonomous Technological Institute of Mexico. “They’ll get blamed for this whatever way it plays.”

The PRI is so weak in the polls that it recently changed its internal rules precisely to allow non-party members to run for public office. In the past, being a candidate meant climbing through PRI ranks and proving one had support from its various wings, like farm and labor groups. Party members will still have to submit proof of such support, but under rules apparently tailor-made for Meade, “sympathizers” won’t have to meet those standards.

The PRI, which ruled Mexico for seven decades through 2000 and regained the presidency in 2012, won’t formally register candidates until Dec.3, and won’t formally name the presidential nominee until Feb. 18.

It is possible Meade could run unopposed for the PRI’s nomination. But it is also possible that support for his candidacy from PRI’s elite could cause dissent and even desertions among PRI members who feel passed over.

“You can be assured that Meade won’t be out there saying anything that’s too dramatic, just to be a steady hand on the tiller,” Estevez said. “There’s a storm coming. You want a technocrat to steer you to safe harbor as quickly as possible. That’s all he’s offering.

“That’s a hard one to sell, you know, because he’s the one responsible for leading us into the storm, as far as his opponents see it, and that’s the way they’ll play it.”

 

 
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23Nov

Canada, Mexico to rebuff US over NAFTA goals as talks bog down Read more at http://www.channelnewsasia.com/news/business/canada–mexico-to-rebuff-us-over-nafta-goals-as-talks-bog-down-9422322

noviembre 23, 2017 Jesus Aguirre NEWS

MEXICO CITY: Canada and Mexico will rebuff the United States over its demand for tougher NAFTA automotive content rules, top officials said on Monday as negotiations to renew the treaty bogged down with only a few months to go.

U.S. President Donald Trump is threatening to quit NAFTA, which has reshaped the continent’s auto sector over the past 23 years, unless major changes can be made to return manufacturing jobs to the United States.

Canadian and Mexican negotiators will address the U.S. auto demands on Tuesday, the final day of the fifth round of talks to update the North American Free Trade Agreement, chief Mexican negotiator Ken Smith told reporters.

Although the talks are due to wrap up in March 2018 after a seventh and final round, they are deadlocked over a series of hard-line proposals the United States unveiled at the fourth round last month.

“It’s definitely slowed down from the previous round,” said a Canadian source with direct knowledge of the talks. “There has been no progress in the contentious chapters.”

Canadian and Mexican officials have complained repeatedly about what they see as U.S. inflexibility. A spokeswoman for the U.S. Trade Representative declined to comment.

Negotiators say they need to finish their work before campaigning for Mexico’s presidential election formally begins at the end of March.

The campaign team for the leftist former mayor of Mexico City and early front-runner, Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, on Monday repeated calls for the NAFTA talks to be postponed until after the July presidential vote.

The Canadian source said the sixth round would be held in Montreal at the end of January 2018.

Mexico and Canada fear Trump will follow through on a promise to pull out of NAFTA, causing disruption and economic damage. The Canadian dollar edged lower against its U.S. counterpart on Monday, in part because of concerns about the negotiations.

 

Alarmed U.S. politicians and industry groups have started to put concerted pressure on the White House not to take drastic moves they say would cause job losses.

“Support for NAFTA from the American private sector, and also members of Congress, and even Republican governors, is starting to get very vocal, which we view very positively,” said Moises Kalach, head of the international negotiating arm of Mexico’s CCE business lobby.

Jeff Leal, farm minister for the powerful Canadian province of Ontario, said in an interview he believed the increasingly vocal U.S. protests would help those who wanted to keep NAFTA.

FRICTION OVER AUTO CONTENT STANDARDS

Canada and Mexico are particularly unhappy about the U.S. push for tougher autos content. Vehicles and auto parts account for most of the US$64 billion U.S. trade deficit with Mexico, a sore spot for Trump.

The Trump administration wants half of the content of all North American-built autos be produced in the United States and that the regional vehicle content requirement be increased to 85 percent from 62.5 percent.

Canada and Mexico dismiss the idea as unworkable and plan to respond with presentations on how such a move would damage the North American auto industry, people briefed on the talks said.

A Mexican auto industry representative with knowledge of the talks called the U.S. proposal “insane” on Sunday.

“There is no product made in North America that meets this rule of origin requirement,” said Matt Blunt, president of the American Automotive Policy Council, which represents Ford Motor Co , General Motors Co and Fiat Chrysler.

In San Antonio, Texas, a senior U.S. official told a Senate panel that the administration wanted to rebalance the large automotive trade deficit with Mexico.

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17Nov

Trump and big business collide as NAFTA teeters

noviembre 17, 2017 Jesus Aguirre NEWS

U.S. business groups are pinballing between despair and panic as negotiations over a new North American Free Trade Agreement resume, with the Trump administration’s hard-line demands risking a worsening standoff and perhaps the eventual collapse of the talks.

Corporate concerns were only inflamed by President Trump’s Asia trip, which showcased his “America First” trade policy and left the United States isolated as 11 other nations agreed to new trade liberalization measures.

On the eve of this week’s NAFTA talks, the fifth of seven scheduled rounds, the uncompromising U.S. stance now risks scuppering a 23-year-old treaty that helped knit together a colossal continental economy, business groups said.

“Everybody I talk to is very gloomy,” said Bill Reinsch, a distinguished fellow with the Stimson Center and a former head of the National Foreign Trade Council. “People are expecting very little out of this round.”

In a belated mobilization to save the deal, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce in recent weeks flooded Capitol Hill with executives from companies that stand to lose lucrative trade preferences if Trump fulfills his threat to withdraw from the treaty.

The Trade Leadership Coalition, a separate industry-funded group headed by a former Caterpillar lobbyist, last week began airing pro-NAFTA advertisements in nine states that Trump won in 2016.

The 60-second television ads — running in Texas, Tennessee, Nebraska, South Dakota, Mississippi, Michigan, Ohio, Iowa and Indiana — highlight economic gains in manufacturing and agriculture before concluding: “The United States is stronger than ever before . . . NAFTA works, but President Trump is threatening to withdraw from NAFTA.”

The conjunction of the NAFTA talks in Mexico City this week and the president’s return from his five-nation Asia swing have underscored Trump’s continued difficulty translating his populist trade instincts into tangible achievements.

The last NAFTA round, in Washington, ended on a sour notewith Mexico, Canada and U.S. business groups expressing alarm over several U.S. proposals.

“NAFTA is in a very difficult place because the U.S. has put a series of demands on the table that are unlike demands that have been seen in any other trade agreement,” said Robert Holleyman, deputy U.S. trade representative under President Barack Obama. “Canada and Mexico are completely unclear about how to respond.”

Still, both Mexico and Canada are under pressure to reply to the U.S. demands, however unconventional, in the next round. “If there are not counterproposals, then NAFTA disappears,” said Rogelio Ramírez de la O, an economist and director of the consulting firm Ecanal.

Key stumbling blocks include the administration’s bid to rewrite the “rules of origin” to require more of a product to be made within North America, and within the United States, to qualify for the treaty’s lower tariffs. Robert E. Lighthizer, the U.S. trade representative, also is seeking a new “sunset clause” that would require the treaty to be renewed every five years, a feature that business groups say would introduce excessive uncertainty in their planning.

“I can’t imagine Mexico or Canada agreeing to any of these ‘King Trump’ demands. Even if they did, I can’t imagine Congress approving them,” said Scott Miller, former director of global trade policy for Procter & Gamble.

The unusual proposals, aimed at shrinking the bilateral trade deficits that vex the president, are designed to set the stage for the walkout that Trump has repeatedly threatened, says Miller, now a senior adviser at the Center for Strategic and International Studies.

Such a move probably would trigger an uproar on Capitol Hill, as well as legal challenges.

The political calendar in Washington — where Republicans are occupied with a make-or-break debate over tax legislation — means there is little prospect of a dramatic breakthrough or angry walkout in Mexico City this week.

“There’s a recognition that they’ve now hit serious resistance, and with tax reform moving they need to be a little more careful about things blowing up,” one business representative said.

But the slowdown is narrowing an already tight window for agreement. Negotiators last month agreed to extend the talks through March, painfully close to Mexico’s July 1 presidential election, which could inflame nationalist sentiments.

“The outlook is extremely negative,” said Edward Alden, a trade expert at the Council on Foreign Relations. “The issues the U.S. tabled are tremendously contentious, and none of them have an obvious path to compromise.”

Economic fallout from an eventual NAFTA collapse would land hardest on Mexico, which would lose nearly 1 million jobs, according to ImpactECON, a Boulder, Colo.-based consultancy.

In public, the Mexican government insists its economy can weather the trade accord’s demise. Mexican officials have been courting trade partners in South America, Asia, Europe andelsewhere. to diversify the economy outside its reliance upon the United States. President Enrique Peña Nieto was in Vietnam last week for talks that produced agreement on the “core principles” of an 11-nation trade accord without the United States.

But others think it will be difficult to find a replacement for the United States. “Despite the rhetoric of the Mexican government, there are not a lot of commercial options besides the United States market,” said Jerjes Aguirre Ochoa, a researcher at the University of Michoacan. “It is the Mexican government that is weak here, and should negotiate and not just deny irrational proposals . . . We would lose a trade war.”

Mexico’s private-sector advisers have warned the Mexican government that there is little room to alleviate Trump’s concerns about the deficit by restricting the key automobile, textile, or agricultural sectors, according to Juan Pablo Castañon, president of Mexico’s Business Coordinating Council.

“We have already told the government that these are areas where there is no opportunity,” said Castañon, whose coalition of business groups is advising Mexico’s negotiating team. “In energy, e-commerce, technology, that is where we can find answers to the deficit.”

Despite the pervasive gloom, some business executives find solace in the fact that the U.S. president often blusters before taking a more moderate path. The potential economic consequences of the talks failing next year also should concentrate negotiators’ minds.

“I continue to think this can be done,” Holleyman said. “It’s clearly in the interest of all three countries to find a win-win-win outcome. But we’re a long way from that.”

 

 

 

 

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08Nov

BP Joins Shell in Helping Mexico Execute Oil Hedge-Sources

noviembre 8, 2017 Jesus Aguirre NEWS

LONDON — BP helped Mexico execute its 2018 oil hedge, the biggest in the industry, becoming the second major after Shell to participate in the highly coveted programme and challenging the traditional role of banks in the operation.

Three industry sources said BP has become a participant of the 2018 programme on which Mexico spent some $1.26 billion (£959.5 million) to hedge its 2018 oil exports against oil price falls as part of government’s efforts to stabilise its budget.

BP declined to comment.

BP joins rival Royal Dutch Shell, which made a first foray last year to become the first major to challenge years of dominance of big Wall Street banks in the programme.

Shell declined to comment.

Banks such as Goldman Sachs, Citi and JPMorgan have dominated Mexico’s programme for years but their role has diminished with tighter regulations on bank commodity trading, including a near total ban on proprietary trading.

Commodities-related revenue across Wall Street banks broadly tumbled in the first half of 2017 to its lowest level since at least 2006, consultancy Coalition said in a report.

This was due mainly to a drop in client activity and a slump in trading performance in the energy sector.

Mexico did not disclose the volumes of oil hedged nor detail of the average price per barrel of put options that the government has purchased.

In September, the finance ministry proposed a 2018 budget that based expected oil export revenue on an estimate of $46 per barrel. In October, members of Congress increased that estimate to $48.5 per barrel as global oil prices rose.

On Tuesday, Brent oil prices stood at $64 per barrel [O/R]

For more than a decade, Mexico’s government has paid for a hedge every year in a bid to guarantee its revenues from oil exports by state company Pemex. The programme is seen as the world’s top sovereign derivatives trade.

Last year, the government bought put options at an average price of $38 per barrel to cover 250 million barrels of crude at a cost of $1.03 billion and underpin the 2017 budget, which was based on an average price of $42 per barrel.

This year, Mexico is on track to not see any income from its oil hedge as prices for Mexican crude trade well above $50 per barrel. In 2016, Mexico saw a $2.65 billion payout from its oil hedge.

Mexico used to receive about one-third of federal revenues from oil sales, but it now funds less than one-fifth of the budget with oil sales after the collapse of crude prices in late 2014 and a decline in production.

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03Nov

Garza: Texas, RGV lose if U.S. departs NAFTA

noviembre 3, 2017 Jesus Aguirre NEWS

Talks to renegotiate NAFTA have stalled, and for those in favor of the United States’ continued participation in the U.S.-Mexico-Canada trade agreement, maybe that’s a good thing.

Antonio Garza, former U.S ambassador to Mexico and now counsel to White & Case law firm in Mexico City, said the negotiating parties have pressed the pause button after four rounds of negotiations in which the United States has insisted on changes the other countries consider nonstarters.

These “poison pill” proposals include a sunset clause that would let the North American Free Trade Agreement expire in five years unless all three countries vote to continue it, a move U.S. business leaders argue would torpedo companies’ ability to make long-term foreign-investment decisions.

 
Also, U.S. automakers are worried about the administration’s demand that 85 percent of each automobile produced be manufactured in North America, up from 62.5 percent currently. Another concern is the administration’s proposal that 50 percent of the parts for cars manufactured in Mexico or Canada be sourced from the United States.

Critics inside the industry argue that such “rules of origin” restrictions probably would compel automakers to move production out of the United States, then pay a tariff to import their own products — essentially a tax on the industry that would decrease its global competitiveness.

Garza said the U.S. agricultural industry also fears a withdrawal from NAFTA since Canada and Mexico are huge markets for U.S. agriculture exports. Texas is the largest U.S. exporter of agricultural products to Mexico, with more than $3.7 billion worth exported in 2016.

An Oct. 25 letter to U.S. Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross signed by 87 food and agricultural organizations spelled out the impact of pulling out of NAFTA, including the loss of 50,000 jobs in food and agriculture and a $13 billion decrease in gross domestic product in the farm sector alone.

The letter also disputed Ross’ assertion that the predicted blow to U.S. agriculture from a NAFTA pullout constitutes an “empty threat.” Garza, who writes regularly about U.S.-Mexico relations, wrote recently that after four rounds of talks among the three countries, “the hopes of bringing the 25-year-old agreement into the 21st century are looking increasingly slim.”

“I’m not terribly encouraged right now,” he said. “I’m glad to see the parties have taken a pause. This pause can act as a bit of a cooling period.”

The fifth round of negotiations is scheduled to start Nov. 17. Before that date, the U.S. private sector — including the energy sector — needs to step up and convincingly make the case for America’s continued involvement in NAFTA, Garza said.

“If a broad coalition of U.S. interests don’t step up aggressively and set the table for ‘18, then I think it’s going to be tough to get an agreement,” he said. “It’s got to come from the U.S. private sector.”

On Oct. 24, according to the New York Times, more than 130 representatives from an array of industries met with lawmakers on Capitol Hill to try to preclude a pullout. Historically, Republicans and pro-trade groups like the U.S. Chamber of Commerce see eye-to-eye — not so with President Donald Trump, who has labeled the trade pact the “worst deal ever” for the United States.

“Essentially, the administration has made their sole metric of success the reduction of (trade) deficit, but trade agreements are a lot more than a single metric,” Garza said. “It’s like flying a plane and looking at only one gauge on your dashboard.”

Most economists and trade analysts agree that NAFTA should be updated, but also tout the agreement’s positives, including higher U.S. exports, lower prices for consumers and the 14 million jobs NAFTA supports, he said. Recent surveys show Americans strongly support trade, Garza said.

 
“The administration’s position on this is a bit of an outlier in the sense that it seems to be directed at a very modest-sized constituency within the Republican base,” he said.

If Trump does pull out of NAFTA, Texas and the Rio GrandeValley have plenty to lose, Garza said, citing the fact that the state trades $178 billion worth of goods per year with Mexico, more than the United States trades with any single European country.

Texas exports $92 billion per year to Mexico, which constitutes nearly 40 percent of all the state’s international exports, with computers and electronics, transportation equipment and petroleum products accounting for the lion’s share.

“The single biggest beneficiary in terms of trade with Mexico has been Texas and the border, not only in terms of economic impact,” Garza said. “It would have a detrimental impact, more generally, on the nature of the relationship and cooperation we have with Mexico on issues as disparate as immigration, counternarcotics efforts and counterterrorism efforts.

“We talk about NAFTA as an economic platform and that’s true, but the relation we enjoy with Mexico is far broader than simply economic,” he said. “No doubt we’d feel it on trade first, but I think we’d start to feel it in our relationship generally.”

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26Oct

Mexico Feels Mortgaged to Nafta. Time to Refinance.

octubre 26, 2017 Jesus Aguirre NEWS

It’s not just trade. Suddenly the nation is realizing how much of its identity became wrapped up in its neighbor’s power.

Cumbre SLP

 

Secession was the talk of Mexico’s biggest business summit this week.

 

Not the latest news from Catalonia, but the idea that Mexico lost its independence and ought to do something about it. An entire national model has been based on catering to the North American Free Trade Agreement, the 23-year-old accord that links commerce between Mexico, the U.S. and Canada. There’s regret that not much thought was given to what could go wrong. 

No executive or official present in San Luis Potosi said they wanted Mexico to pull out, as Donald Trump has threatened the U.S. will do. There is a sense that the country has been blindsided by America’s waning interest in free trade and by the disdain that’s emerged on the other side of the Rio Grande.
 
It’s not just economic and commercial models that have been geared almost entirely to Nafta. Foreign policy as well has been largely farmed out. One telling anecdote: Mexico’s top diplomats want to work in one of the 50 consulates the country has in the U.S. In the foreign service of most countries, being sent to a consulate, rather an embassy, prompts the question: “What did I do wrong?” In Mexico, that’s how you get ahead.
 
So how can Mexico respond to the shifting circumstances? Save Nafta first. Mexico’s top executives are jolting from their torpor. It was a mistake to just sign, go away and assume that everything would be okay, Moises Kalach, the trade head for the national business chamber CCE, told a panel at the Mexico Business Summit in San Luis Potosi. “We didn’t think, being the preferred girlfriend, about having an office in D.C.,” Kalach said. Now CCE has a war room aimed at making decision makers in many U.S. congressional districts aware that dissing Nafta and Mexico has a cost.

A second, related, theme of the conference was regret. Regret that, by assuming that with Nafta everything would take of itself, Mexico had made itself an easy target. Few American politicians pay a price for going after their southern neighbor. “There is a very low cost for bad mouthing Mexico,” Shannon K. O’Neil of the Council on Foreign Relations told an audience. “You have to up the ante and make there be a cost.” If it’s not too late.

A subtext to this was the sense that few in the U.S. realize there is a presidential election in Mexico next year. Populist themes look sure to get a hearing, not least from Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, who is making another tilt for the top job. (President Enrique Pena Nieto is limited under law to a single term.) All this Mexico-bashing in the U.S. could cause a backlash among Mexican voters.

China is the second-largest trading partner of Mexico after the U.S., but you would never know it. While a lot of the global commentariat was focused on China’s weeklong Communist Party congress, few of Mexico’s elite mentioned it. President Xi Jinping’s assertion that China offered a new model for economic development largely passed the conference by. 

It’s all about Nafta, even it’s not about trade and economics. One discussion of foreign policy, part of a panel I moderated, mentioned diversification. Not of business lines and product mix — of foreign policy.

There is a world out there beyond the U.S., tough though that is for Mexico, given it’s next door to its biggest trading partner that happens also be the world’s largest economy and only real military superpower. There was nodding recognition that, sure, diversification might be a good thing. Next panel: Update on Nafta. 

Mexico hopes it’s not too late to save the accord. It’s about way more than trade and jobs. A big part of national identity has been outsourced.

 

 

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25Oct

BANK OF AMERICA: 2 charts show why ripping up NAFTA wouldn’t solve Trump’s big issues with the deal

octubre 25, 2017 Jesus Aguirre NEWS

It’s no secret that President Donald Trump isn’t a fan of NAFTA. Throughout his campaign, he promised to rip up trade deals, specifically zeroing in on the North American Free Trade Agreement, the US’s trade deficit with Mexico, and the US’s loss of manufacturing jobs.

The evidence available, however, favors the position that changing NAFTA would neither reduce the US’s trade deficit nor meaningfully increase its manufacturing jobs, according to two charts shared by Bank of America Merrill Lynch’s Carlos Capistran and Ethan S. Harris in a recent report to clients.

The first chart, which you can see below, compares the 12-month rolling average for the US trade balance with the world and with Canada and Mexico, its NAFTA partners.

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The US’s trade deficit with the two NAFTA countries is less than 10% of its total trade deficit, and most of the increase in the total deficit actually came several years after the trade agreement was implemented.

“Most economists agree that trade deficits are the result of saving and investment decisions rather than trade agreements,” Capistran and Harris said, adding: “In particular, trade deficits are financed by net capital inflows. Capital flows into the US are strong because of low private savings and large budget deficits in the US and elevated savings in China and other EM economies.”

Notably, the economists added, nearly half of the US’s trade deficit is with China even without any agreement regulating trade between the two countries.

The second chart shared by Capistran and Harris shows manufacturing jobs’ share of total employment since 1980.

As you can see below, the decline in American manufacturing jobs was similar to the declines seen in other advanced economies like the euro area, the UK, and Japan — none of which are in NAFTA.

screen shot 2017 10 24 at 84658 am

 

BAML’s chart doesn’t go past 1980, but it’s worth noting that manufacturing as a share of nonfarm employees in the US has been on the decline since the 1970s.

Taking it a step forward, we at Business Insider previously charted US manufacturing employment since the 1970s with respect to economic and trade shocks.

As you can see below, the big drop-off in manufacturing jobs correlates with China joining the World Trade Organization in 2001. And the steepest decline occurs after 2007-2008 Great Recession.

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Of course, trade isn’t the only thing that has been a factor in the loss of manufacturing jobs; automation has played a role as well.

And a recent report from Bloomberg suggests that even if NAFTA were scrapped entirely, companies would not stop moving operations to Mexico.

“If they just wiped out NAFTA and went back to normal trade tariffs, I think that’s manageable,” Ross Baldwin, the CEO of Tacna, a company that helps manufacturers establish operations in Mexico, told Bloomberg. “Life would continue on because the labor rate is so dramatically different.”

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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